Family business

There was this story about a politician who was told by his son that he wanted to take up engineering as a career. The politician objected and told his son he should take after him because politicians make more money. Besides, who will inherit the family business?

A powerpoint presentation by UP professors (Tadem and Tadem) revealed that out of the 200 elected House of Representatives, 169 (84.5 percent) were members of pre-1972 traditional families. This signified the continuing general trend in Philippine politics whereby 70 percent of the 15th Philippine Congress is dynastic.

It is not any better now, and most likely it is worse. Political dynasties used to infest LGUs and the lower house of Congress. But now, it is at the Senate too.

The next Senate is likely to have a mother and son, a father and daughter, a brother and sister and two half brothers. Why should four families be over represented at the Senate?

Academics trace our political dynasties to the Spanish era. Traditional political families have ruled in local governments where they monopolize political power and public offices from generation to generation, and treat the public elective office almost as their personal property.

To a great extent, the perpetuation of poverty and underdevelopment, socioeconomic inequality, and the continuing prevalence of massive corruption can be blamed on political dynasties. The families have no incentive to do good. They have locked in political power forever.

It is not just in rural areas. Cities within Metro Manila suffer from political dynasties too. One city has a husband as congressman in one district, his wife in another, the brother is mayor and a sister is senator.

Many cities in NCR have not had a mayor with a different surname for decades. These personal political fiefdoms explain the strong resistance to an elected Metro Manila government that could better manage the whole region.

For this year’s presidential election, Julio C. Teehankee, a political science professor at De La Salle University, noted the creation of an alliance of powerful families. This marks the peak of dynastic politics, Teehankee said. It seems to be aimed at protecting them from lawsuits and political persecution.

Another study noted that a majority of the positions in government are held by politicians who are members of political dynasties. When incumbents can no longer run due to term limits, those who would take their place may even have no previous political background or experience except their family connections.

In a study done in 2012 by economists Beja, Mendoza, Venida, and Yap, it was estimated that 40 percent of all provinces in the Philippines have a provincial governor and congressman who are related in some way.

Another 2014 study done by Querubin of the Department of Politics in New York University estimates 50 to 70 percent of all politicians are involved or associated in a political dynasty within the Philippines.

The same study concluded that approximately 70 percent of all jurisdiction-based legislators in the current Congress are involved in a political dynasty, with 40 percent of them having ties to legislators who belonged to as far as three Congresses prior.

It is also said that 77 percent of legislators between the ages of 26 to 40 are also dynastic, which indicates that the second and third generations of political dynasties in the Philippines have begun their political careers as well.

The term “relative” refers to anyone with a family connection such as a wife, a son or daughter, a cousin, etc. Sometimes, even a mistress.

The party list system should have alleviated the problem somewhat. But the political dynasties managed to use it as well to expand their representation in the lower house of Congress.

The current Constitution has a provision that calls on Congress to pass an anti-political dynasty law. Of course that never happened. Over the last 35 years, Congress simply ignored the Constitutional mandate. The old ruling elite, national and local, has succeeded in perpetuating power in their hands.

This also explains why there is no fear of anti-corruption laws because the next administration is likely to be headed by a family member. There is no danger of being held accountable for corrupt acts.

That makes a public office nothing more than a family business. A mayor’s relatives set up construction, office supply, and other businesses that can corner contracts from the LGU. There is little distinction between the money of taxpayers and that of the ruling families.

No wonder sons and daughters of powerful dynastic officials do not have to sweat it out in a real productive job outside of government. Genetics provide them a guaranteed means of supporting themselves from cradle to grave.

Yet, there are dynastic politicians who first did well in private business. But they still get wives, sons, and daughters into politics to protect the business. This gives them an unfair advantage through influence in government decision making.

The people have the power to stop this debilitating characteristic of our democracy. We can end political dynasties through the ballot. But our social and economic circumstances make that impossible. The poor are particularly indebted many times over to these families one way or another.

One study I read classified political dynasties two ways: the thin dynasty and the obese dynasty. In the thin dynasty, family members take turns in serving. In obese dynasties, they take all the positions they can at one time, as in the case I cited earlier.

Those of us who can, should start to do our nation a favor and simply not vote for any candidate who is part of an obese dynasty. Serving one after another is probably alright under our circumstances. But there are more than enough qualified independent candidates to vote for instead of members of obese family dynasties.

In a properly functioning democratic government, public office is a public trust, an opportunity to serve the common good. Given a public servant’s salary, a true public servant should leave public office poorer rather than richer.

Getting rich in public office is a sure sign of corruption, a betrayal of the public trust.

Boo Chanco’s email address is [email protected]. Follow him on Twitter @boochanco