Wiretapping, anomalies hound AFP

The year 2005 could have been a banner year for the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) in terms of sticking to its promise to contain restiveness within the ranks despite the scandals rocking the nation’s leaders.

It would have been a great year, if not for the wiretapping controversy, high-level corruption ccases and other anomalies that tainted the military establishment once again.

The year 2005 saw the implementation of much-vaunted reforms meant to professionalize the 115,000-strong AFP but the efforts were overshadowed by "creeping militics" — military politics — that has been the bane of the military since first tasting power during the martial law years.

The restiveness continues, shown by the number of uniformed officers and men involved in sinister plots to overthrow the government — all in the name of reform.

What could have triggered discontent among the ranks was the alleged involvement of their superiors in scams and anomalies like the "Hello, Garci" wiretap controversy and the sense that no justice was ever meted to wrongdoers.

Those in the military who hitched their political wagons to certain opposition figures, meanwhile, found their careers short-circuited.

With the AFP modernization program yet to take off, the country’s Armed Forces remains in an infancy stage compared to its regional neighbors.

The military, however, had its share of successes as it trumpeted its efforts to reform the justice system with the high-profile conviction of retired general Carlos Garcia.

However, the punishment imposed by the military court on the former AFP comptroller — two years of "hard labor" — was not commensurate to his rank and responsibility.

Military prosecutors admitted the two-year sentence was not meant for senior officers like Garcia but for enlisted personnel.

The ‘Hello Garci’ controversy

On June 5, Presidential Spokesman Ignacio Bunye surprised the nation by declaring President Arroyo’s phone had been wiretapped.

The revelation quickly led to the "Hello, Garci" investigation (named after the former election commission Virgilio Garcillano who was reportedly heard on the recordings) and it opened up even more controversy when reports surfaced that the military had conducted the wiretapping.

On the tapes, Mrs. Arroyo allegedly urged Garcillano to rig the results of the May 10, 2004 presidential vote in her favor.

In July, Air Force T/Sgt. Vidal Doble of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP) admitted he was the source of the tape and claimed he had given the master copies to the opposition in exchange for P2 million.

Doble’s involvement in the wiretapping scandal not only damaged the ISAFP’s credibility but also left the military establishment in an embarrassing spot as yet another congressional inquiry ensued.

While House hearings left the country’s lawmakers convinced that the eavesdropping on the President took place, the issue has yet to be resolved.

The Armed Forces issued an emotional denial through its intelligence chief, Rear Adm. Tirso Danga, under whose term the ISAFP the wiretapping operation was supposedly carried out.

Danga claimed the ISAFP lacked the technical expertise to conduct wiretap operations, and AFP chief Gen. Generoso Senga also denied the agency had a hand in wiretapping the President.

But their terse denials raised more questions than answers, such as how widespread were the operations within the AFP; who were its victims; and how long was it going on.

Another witness, Marietta Santos, admitted to being the mistress of Doble and claimed she had even witnessed the spying operations by the ISAFP-MIG 21 on the President and Garcillano.

Once again though, the military denied Santos’ allegations. The military leadership, through Col. Tristan Kison, simply trashed her claims, challenging her to raise the allegations before the proper court.

Kison’s challenges merited a threat from senators to slash the AFP’s budget and withhold the confirmation of Senga.

This forced Senga to apologize to the Senate. Kison, for his part, blamed the media, including The STAR, for reportedly practicing "sabong" (cockfight) journalism.

Raising more questions on the AFP’s sincerity in investigating the wiretapping incident was its apparent reluctance to discipline Doble, who is still safely quartered inside the ISAFP’s training school.

The Garci generals

The AFP tried to remain apolitical this year, though this avowed policy was put to the test after several key officers who served under the military’s Task Force HOPE (Honest, Orderly and Peaceful Elections), and whom the Comelec had appointed as election watchdogs, were accused of interfering in election matters to ensure victory for President Arroyo.

The accusations were further bolstered after some of the military officers were reportedly named in the wiretap recordings, even as the counting of votes was still ongoing in Western Mindanao, and especially in the two Lanao provinces.

Among those specifically mentioned on the tape were former Southern Command chief Roy Kyamko, the Army’s 1st Infantry Division commander Maj. Gen. Gabriel Habacon, now the Army chief: Lt. Gen. Hermogenes Esperon, then 1st Marine Brigade commander and now retired Brig. Gen. Francisco Gudani.

Philippine National Police (PNP) chief Director General Arturo Lomibao, who was then director of the Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG) was also mentioned by name.

Faced with allegation of election irregularities among its men, the AFP created a fact-finding board to investigate the supposed erring officers.

More than 70 military officers were investigated but the military board probing the controversy has yet to release its findings.

While everybody was led to believe the fact-finding board headed by Rear Adm. Mateo Mayuga would let the axe fall where it may, the panel modified its stand, saying its undertaking was purely corrective in nature and to prevent such lapses from occurring again.

Meanwhile, the officers mentioned in the "Hello, Garci" tapes were either sacked, given juicy positions, or voluntarily retired.

Kyamko retired early for a new position in the government. Esperon is now the incumbent Army chief.

On the other hand, Marine Brig. Gen. Gudani, who attested to claims of the opposition that massive cheating marred last year’s elections in Lanao, along with his battalion commander, Marine Lt. Col. Alexander Balutan, faced court-martial.

Their only apparent violation was testifying before the Senate against the wishes of the military top brass and without the consent of the President, a prohibition contained in the controversial Executive Order 464.

Power struggles

On one front, at least — openly discouraging adventurism within its ranks — the AFP leadership was out in full force trying to repair the damage to its reputation from last year’s elections.

AFP top brass saw to it that officers considered "too hot" to handle were reassigned to areas where they could cause the least damage to the organization. Some were given graceful exits from the service by retiring early.

This was apparent in the early retirement of former Northern Luzon Command (Nolcom) chief Lt. Gen. Romeo Dominguez.

Dominguez filed a terminal leave several months ahead of his retirement on Oct. 30, in the wake of continued wrangling within the service.

Dominguez’s Nolcom operations chief, Col. Gregorio Catapang, was also relieved over his public criticism of the government.

Chief of operations of the Army’s Scout Ranger, Maj. Jason Aquino, was also sacked for being vocal against the Arroyo administration.

Maj. Gen. Romeo Tolentino, a known supporter of the President, replaced Dominguez as Nolcom commander.

Face-saver

The conviction of former general Carlos Garcia highlighted the military’s efforts to cleanse its ranks of corruption.

Bragging that the military justice system had actually worked, the case highlighted the AFP’s apparent light punishment of Garcia, who was found guilty of amassing unexplained wealth while serving as comptroller for several years.

Though Garcia was ordered to forfeit his benefits and was dishonorably discharged, it will take a case before the Sandiganbayan to recover the unexplained wealth he and his family reportedly amassed.

Observers — noting that Garcia managed to smile even while being sentenced to two years of "hard labor" — called the verdict a mere slap on the wrist.

Though Garcia’s trial could be seen as a face-saving move by the AFP to salvage its much-tarnished image, it was in fact the first time a high-ranking military official had been convicted for such an offense.

In comparison, retired Air Force Maj. Gen. Ralph Flores, who was also tried by the military last year for forgery in faking his birthday, was ordered demoted to the rank of full colonel.

The military court also ordered Flores, a classmate of Garcia in the PMA Class 1971, to reimburse the AFP all the benefits and salaries he received as a brigadier general and later major general of the Air Force, a rank he obtained for faking his birthday.

Coup talks

Aside from the internal security concerns, the AFP also spent much of its time dealing with destabilization moves within the three major military branches.

Outgoing AFP chief Efren Abu, in his farewell message, called on the country’s politicians to leave the AFP alone.

Abu’s call came at a time when several shadowy military groups, among them the Young Officers Union-New Generation (YOUng), had denounced the government and called on soldiers to rise up to "save" the country.

The AFP top brass simply ignored the groups, but were shocked to learn they had a large following within the police and military.

The top brass announced several such groups would try to launch a coup on Dec. 15, while Mrs. Arroyo was away attending the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Malaysia.

The coup rumors accelerated when one of the Magdalo mutiny leaders, Marine Capt. Nicanor Faeldon, escaped after attending a court hearing in Makati City last Dec. 14.

Meanwhile, a retired general, Fortunato Abat, continued to call for a revolutionary transition government.

No coup materialized, and the AFP was quick to take credit for quelling the rumors, if not any actual moves.

"Had it not been for several cooler heads, a coup d’état could have been launched," one military insider claimed.

With its hands full dealing with restless troops, the AFP had even more work quelling attacks by communist rebels, extremists and Muslim separatist groups.

A total of 458 soldiers died while fighting the communist New People’s Army (NPA) in 1,255 encounters.

The AFP recorded at least 51 encounters with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in which 16 soldiers died and 118 MILF fighters were killed.

The continuing threat of terrorism has also drawn several military units from other countries such as the US to assist the Philippines in fighting the global menace in the region.

Despite all the blows taken by the AFP in its 70th year of existence, its leaders say it will always remain a true defender and protector of the people, now and in the years ahead.

The AFP said it sees a better year ahead for the military with the expected improvement and stability in the political scene.

"We are off to a good start in 2006... we do not believe there will be really significant destabilization efforts as we start 2006," the AFP spokesman, Lt. Gen. Samuel Bagasin declared.