A learning curve in foreign policy

Despite seeming inattention or incapacity, I am heartened to notice definite signs that the Aquino administration is finally getting a handle on how to run the country’s foreign relations and diplomacy.

President Aquino’s handling of the Reed Bank incident is a case in point. While asserting the right of the Philippine Department of Energy-contracted oil exploration vessel to carry out its activities without being impeded by Chinese Navy ships, he spoke of de-escalating the controversy and left it to his diplomats to manage the situation with their Chinese counterparts. This balanced approach could not have been adopted without close consultation with his chief foreign policy adviser, the new acting Foreign Secretary.

Still, the Philippines has yet to clearly define its relationship with China, which is emerging as a world power. Of course, the One China policy must remain the cornerstone of that relationship, but beyond this, how do we seek to engage with our giant neighbor in the medium and long-term that best serves our security and economic interests?

In recent years, the Philippines seems to have tilted too much toward China in its overall foreign policy. The deportation of Taiwanese nationals to Beijing, for example, was justified in terms of the One China policy, even if the deportation had nothing whatsoever to do with recognizing only one Chinese state. We have to avoid this kind of knee-jerk reaction, which is based on an inordinate fear of offending Beijing. Former National Security advisor Gen. Jose Almonte once summed up these concerns when he commented that if we are not careful, we might become a province of China.

Acting DFA Secretary del Rosario spoke of strengthening our ties with ASEAN as well as with China, India, Japan, Korea, Australia, New Zealand and Indonesia in security and defense dialogues, including “an enduring, strong defense partnership with the US built on our bilateral Mutual Defense Treaty.” What I see here is a commitment to balance the interests of competing powers to serve our own interests instead of almost totally focusing on one power alone.

Appointment of new ambassador to China

Which brings me to my second point. The president is looking for an ambassador to send to Beijing before he undertakes an official visit planned for mid-May. I understand that there are three leading candidates: a banker, a businessman and a third known for his close ties with Taiwan as well as for being a close associate of President Cory Aquino. While these candidates are obviously successful and respected businessmen and industrialists, they might not fully grasp the political, security and military dimensions of our relations with Beijing and of our region. The nuances of Beijing’s reaction to the Philippine protest over the Reed Bank incident, its responses to similar incidents involving other countries, its position favoring a non-binding code of conduct for the South China Sea, and the long-term implications of China’s growing military strength – these are areas that are not the strong suit of the three businessmen. A miscalculation in any one of these areas could have dire consequences.

The fact that the three are businessmen may not be helpful at all. They will be exposed to possible conflict of interest in business matters that they will handle, particularly when they will have to recommend local partners for prospective Chinese investors. The departing ambassador is certainly no role model. He is better known for his financial generosity and making embarassing proposals such as leniency for criminals versus concessions on our sovereignty over the Spratlys (as reported by another columnist).

What I am driving at is that a person of vast experience, keen intellect and political savvy – which inevitably points to a career diplomat – would almost certainly be a better choice for a vital post like Beijing. May I suggest that there are potential seasoned diplomats in the career service like Luis Cruz, our current ambassador to Korea, Cristina Ortega, Assistant Secretary for Asia-Pacific and Antonio Basilio, the current MECO resident representative in Taipei (previously posted in Beijing and former deputy chief of mission in Washington). There are also experienced and respected retired ambassadors to China like Sonia Brady, Romeo Ong, and Philip Mabilangan.These retirees belong to the same generation as the potential candidates .

25 vacant posts

Our embassy in Beijing is not the only post that has to be filled up. It is incredible that eight months into the Aquino administration, a substantial number of ambassadorial posts still remain vacant. There are 25 other missions to which ambassadors need to be appointed. Parts of the Middle East are in turmoil and posts like Egypt, Abu Dhabi and Lebanon either have no heads of mission or the incumbents are about to be transferred or recalled.

Vacant posts of consul general were recently filled up. These are New York, Toronto, Barcelona and Sydney. While the Foreign Service Act authorizes the secretary of foreign affairs to designate consuls general, the practice has always been to inform the president of the designation and to secure his approval of the same. I can only assume that this procedure continues, since some consulates general, especially those in key cities, are as important in reality as embassies in terms of staffing pattern and tasking.

I hope the list of political appointments (US, Chile, the Vatican, Spain, Kampuchea, Japan, Papua New Guinea and Brunei) is more or less complete. The remaining vacancies should be filled by the career service.

Special envoys

I have been informed that the DFA staff welcome the designation of important personalities such as Vice President Jejomar Binay or former Senator Mar Roxas to trouble-shoot for the president on an ad hoc basis. On the other hand, I also share with the career service the belief that the designation of special envoys should be re-examined, if not eliminated.

No DFA Briefing for the President

It has always been a tradition that the DFA staff briefs the President directly on all matters related to foreign affairs, particularly when the President goes on a foreign trip. I was dismayed to learn that the briefing papers of DFA sent to Malacañang have reached only either the Presidential Management Staff or the Office of the Executive Secretary. Under the new Acting Secretary, I trust that this practice will end and he and his staff will interact more closely with the chief executive, for there are nuances in foreign relations, specially those relating to the character and possible courses of action of foreign leaders, that cannot be adequately conveyed in memoranda and briefing papers.

As previously stated, the steeper part of the learning curve has been hurdled although not without some lumps along the way. There is reason to believe that the lessons learned during the past eight months have laid the ground for a more integrated, forward-looking and effective foreign policy. The major tests and proving ground lie ahead.