President Duterte’s new all out drive to fight corruption has been met with cynical yawns. People know this is just a show geared for the 2022 election. It is the usual “bodabil” designed more for entertainment than sending corrupt officials to jail.
I read a comment on social media that said there is corruption in all countries, but in decent countries corrupt officials go to jails, not hospitals.
Indeed, South Korea may be a good example. Corruption is rampant there involving presidents and owners of big chaebols or conglomerates. However, they have sent four presidents to jail on corruption charges.
A week ago, South Korea’s Supreme Court upheld a 17-year sentence for former president Lee Myung-bak. Last year, South Korean courts sentenced former president Park Geun-hye to 24 years in prison, which was later increased to 25 years. Ms. Park is the daughter of the late South Korean strongman Park Chung-hee.
Two other former South Korean presidents, Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, were also convicted of corruption in 1997.
We, on the other hand, have only convicted one president, Erap. But he was given an absolute pardon shortly after he was convicted of plunder by the Sandiganbayan in 2007.
Erap was sentenced to reclusion perpetua, or a jail term of up to 40 years. He was detained at his Tanay rest house while on trial. He was even able to run for president again and for mayor of Manila, serving two terms.
No political or business big shot has been convicted for corruption in recent memory. The last big corruption scandal involved illegal personal use of pork barrel funds. The only ones in jail are the facilitator of the illegal scheme and the senior associate of a senator.
What makes Duterte’s new anti-corruption drive different? Nothing much. There is a very small glimmer of hope that Justice Secretary Menardo Guevarra, who has a rather good reputation, may be able to produce credible results… if Duterte will let him. The Justice Secretary has been placed in charge of a special anti-corruption group.
Secretary Guevarra was given such a wide net that will apparently cross division of authority among the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial branches of government.
The Supreme Court has welcomed Secretary Guevarra’s offer to assist the judiciary in investigating corruption in its ranks, even as it said it has its own integrity mechanisms. Despite the obvious overlap, the Ombudsman also welcomed the Justice Secretary’s probe.
The big question mark and test will be the Legislative branch. Commissioner Greco Belgica of the Presidential Anti-Corruption Commission has accused lawmakers of exerting undue influence over the implementation of local projects and the movement of district engineers. This is how pork barrel funds are used and misused.
But Belgica’s authority only covers the Executive branch. It is a big question mark if Duterte will even let Belgica publicly name the congressmen he found involved in potential misuse of pork funds. It is also not clear if Belgica has evidence linking congressmen to wrongdoing that is actionable in court.
The thing that makes this current Duterte anti-corruption drive lack credibility is Duterte himself. He has yet to allow his SALN to be made public the way past presidents have, in compliance with the law.
And since Duterte heads a political dynasty, it will help add credibility to his anti-corruption drive if he orders his children, who are all public officials, to make their SALNs public as well.
Allowing the Anti Money Laundering Council to go through his and his family’s personal bank accounts will remove once and for all any lingering doubts about his sincerity in fighting corruption. This is leadership by example.
As it stands now, the assignment given to Sec. Guevarra seems to be just for show. With a year and a half left in Duterte’s term, it is clear the Justice Secretary is not expected to produce results other than to generate media buzz for political purposes.
They may be able to charge some Customs or BIR examiner within this period, but convicting a big-name political personality is not a realizable objective. Duterte talks of a wave of dismissals, suspensions, and even prosecutions to swamp the bureaucracy next month. But no mention of a “big fish.” This is what my grandparents call “bodabil.”
Indeed, Duterte’s first test of sincerity in this anti-corruption drive is to line-item veto the pork funds in the 2021 budget. Belgica already identified the pork funds as a main source of big-time corruption involving DPWH officials and some congressmen. Duterte must eliminate these corruption-prone items by a presidential veto.
But vetoing the pork funds is a declaration of war between Malacañang and Congress. Is the President macho enough to risk this war?
Because his term is ending and he cannot run for re-election, Duterte should make one big show of how fearless he is by stopping pork. But that’s not likely to happen. He has the political ambitions of his children and Bong Go to protect.
So, where are we in this anti-corruption drive?
Poor Sec. Guevarra. Even if he wants to deliver, he won’t be allowed to. Guevarra must understand, this is all “bodabil.”
The young ones may not know what “bodabil” is. It was common man’s entertainment when I was growing up. It is the Pinoy version of vaudeville, a type of entertainment popular in the US in the early 20th century, featuring a mixture of specialty acts such as burlesque comedy and song and dance.
I don’t remember how old I was when my Dad brought me to Clover theater in Echague in Quiapo, the seat of “bodabil.” Probably he thought it was a part of my cultural education. I thought it was a nice time to spend with my otherwise busy Dad.
When my sisters asked me how I liked it, I remember asking why the panties and bra of the dancing girls glittered.
So, that’s it. “Bodabil.” The promise of reform may glitter in Duterte’s anti-corruption drive, but remember it is just “bodabil.”
Boo Chanco’s e-mail address is bchanco@gmail.com. Follow him on Twitter @boochanco