Unchallenged

President Aquino long impressed us with his unique ability to quickly pass blame or grab credit.

The failure of the entire Congress of the Philippines to pass his pet Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), Aquino blames on only two senators he claims “conspired” to block the measure. Two senators managing to block an administration pet bill is a feat.

The MILF explanation for the debacle is probably more credible: Aquino lacked the “political will” to see the measure through. The rebel group, this administration’s “partner” in creating an unconstitutional sub-state, is clearly not impressed by Aquino’s attempt to pass blame.

This week, before an assembly of local executives, Aquino exercised his ability for credit grabbing.

The President observed that many local executives were running unopposed this year. A great number of them were, of course, affiliated with the LP. It just so happens that most local officials change party colors after every presidential election, shifting to whatever the new party in power is.

Most of those running uncontested today used to be affiliated with Lakas-NUCD when that was the party in power. There is no real secret to their political longevity.

But the President has another explanation for why so many local politicians are running unopposed. It is due, he says, to the tremendous success of his administration that few would want to challenge his allies at the local level.

That is his version of the universe, which always tends to be unique.

I get a different version from conversations with incumbent local executives and potential challengers. Both species of local politicians agree on one thing only: the conditional cash transfer (CCT) program gives incumbents such an overwhelming advantage against potential challengers it is almost futile to contest the entrenched.

Combine the CCT with the internal revenue allocation (IRA) and you have local executives armed on both ends with the weapons of political patronage. Unless the dominant political clan in a locality inexplicably withdraws from the political game, they are nearly guaranteed to be in power indefinitely.

The IRA, we know, is used by local executives to hire every voter in sight, magnifying the public sector payroll. That creates a large number of voters in a locality whose jobs depend on the perpetuation in power of their patrons.

The CCT, for its part, relies on the local government for identification of beneficiaries. That is an accrued role that enhances the capacity for patronage of local executives. Even if the identification of beneficiaries is fair, the cash dole-out is still attributable to the local officials – who then claim political payback during elections.

As the testament to the patronage powers of the CCT, the administration ticket resorted the past few weeks to scaring CCT beneficiaries. Either they elect Aquino’s designated successor or face the dim prospect of the dole-out being discontinued.

That must have been an effective pitch. Mar Roxas’ poll numbers showed a slight improvement after this CCT-centered ad campaign was mounted.

Had the Supreme Court not outlawed the disbursement acceleration program (DAP) and the congressional pork barrel, the Aquino administration would have assembled the most awesome pork barrel state anywhere in the world. That pork barrel state would have stood on four stout legs: the CCT, the DAP, the PDAF and the billions in discretionary funds controlled by the President.

Without the DAP and the PDAF, the administration still has two stout legs to attempt its own perpetuation: the presidential discretionary funds and the CCT. One might even argue it stands on two-and-a-half legs, to include the newfangled Bottom Up Budgeting (BUB) that enables the DILG to distribute “projects” to the level of the barangay.

We are not even mentioning here the “party funds” running into the billions pooled through more traditional means: graft and corruption. The allegations made earlier by the former Czech ambassador – about extortion by people associated with the DOTC in exchange for procuring new trains from the original supplier – gives us a glimpse of the tip of what could be an iceberg.

From Day One, this administration has been obsessed with perpetuating itself in power.

First, it dramatically increased the volume of the congressional pork barrel. This enabled it to buy legislative support.

Second, it invented the DAP which manufactured “savings” and distributed the loot to political allies. DAP funds were used to assault the third branch of government and dislodge a chief justice.

Third, it multiplied the amount of funds that could be disbursed at the sole discretion of the President. These funds could, at the snap of a finger, be used to fund projects sponsored by local powerbrokers in exchange for their allegiance.

Fourth, the CCT was vastly expanded and its use made more flexible. Recall that when the Palace wanted to clear the streets ahead of the Pope’s visit, homeless people were virtually kidnapped and brought to an expensive mountain resort for “seminars.” The cost for this was underwritten by some “modified” CCT.

Lastly, the BUB was developed, where lump sum disbursements were coursed through the DILG rather than directly from the DBM. This enabled the Interior Secretary to reward local executives with projects almost entirely at his discretion.

It is not true that Mar Roxas began campaigning only last year. Since 2010, disbursement of the national budget was dramatically reshaped to enhance the capacity of the ruling faction to dispense patronage.

If the entire state apparatus has been shaped to buy partisan support using such a large portion of the national budget, could we still be described as an electoral democracy?