Feud

They used to be the best of friends. Now they appear to be the worst of enemies.

Because of the clout both wield, this could not be an ordinary spat. Like a whirlpool, the quarrel could draw in other political players and even create fissures in the firmament of the Duterte administration.

In the blue corner, we have Pantaleon “Bebot” Alvarez, the blunt-speaking Speaker of the House with a proclivity to picking fights with everyone. Last month, he was heard demanding the resignation of PNP chief Roland “Bato” de la Rosa. Weeks ago, he threatened fellow congressmen with expulsion should they fail to vote in favor of the death penalty bill – even if that piece of legislation seems to face certain death at the Senate. At any rate, that bill has been so watered down that enacting it seems pointless.

In the red corner, we have Davao del Norte Rep. Antonio “Tonyboy” Floirendo Jr., one of the wealthiest members of the House. In the Statement of Contributions and Expenditures filed by the Duterte campaign, Floirendo is listed as the biggest donor of campaign funds. He is likewise rumored to be instrumental in getting Alvarez installed as Speaker.

A few days ago, many were surprised to hear Alvarez declare, during a radio interview, that he would initiate a congressional inquiry on the existing joint venture agreement between government and the Tagum Agricultural Development Corporation (Tadeco). The agricultural corporation is owned by the Floirendo family.

Alvarez warned that Floirendo could face not only graft but even plunder charges should Tadeco be found shortchanging government in its lease and profit sharing payments provided under the terms of the joint venture agreement. The land used by Tadeco belongs to the Bureau of Corrections, which is under the DOJ. Strangely, with over a decade left in its lease contract, the DOJ ordered a review of the joint venture agreement entered into between BuCor and Tadeco.

Tadeco’s contract with the government dates back to the Marcos period. The first JVA was signed in 1969. The various leases were consolidated and a 25-year contract was signed in September 1979. Over that period, Tadeco emerged as a major producer of bananas for export.

In May 2003, a year before their lease contract was to expire, the BuCor and Tadeco signed a second 25-year JVA. The document was signed by Antonio Floirendo Sr. for Tadeco and Ramon Liwag for BuCor. The ceremony was witnessed by then Justice Secretary Simeon Datumanong.

Under the terms of this JVA, Tadeco committed to “hire” inmates at the Davao Penal Colony and pay them minimum wage coursed through the BuCor. Tadeco likewise commits to paying “honoraria” to the penal colony officials and provide emergency medical facilities for all who work the land. For its part, BuCor commits to “free and uninterrupted use of the land” by preventing the entry of squatters.

Justice Secretary Vitaliano Aguirre recently ordered a review of this contract after receiving reports Tadeco’s annual payments to BuCor amounted to only a fraction of prevailing market rates.  According to Alvarez, the BuCor only gets a guaranteed annual payment of P26.5 million for the use of the Davao Penal Colony’s 5,308 hectares. The payment amounts to only P5,000 per hectare annually.

If it is established that Tadeco shortchanged government in the amount of P50 million, plunder charges could be filed against Floirendo. If it is determined that Floirendo was a government official at the time the JVA was signed, he could be held liable for violation of Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act.

There are no sacred cows under the Duterte watch, warned Alvarez as he pushed for a congressional inquiry. That might be true, but what intrigues many is the passion Alvarez seems to have invested in feuding with an erstwhile best buddy.

There is one theory being cultivated by some of those who inhabit the corridors of the Batasan. They believe that Alvarez was annoyed by reports Floirendo was maneuvering to elevate former president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to the speakership.

The Floirendo-led conspiracy, if it gains ground, would have Alvarez exiled to some lonely post either in the executive or judicial branch of government. Those participating in this conspiracy, it is said, think Alvarez is simply unfit to be Speaker of the House. Someone better capable of building consensus needs to be installed to push the Duterte legislative agenda.

The existence of this conspiracy, they say, is the reason why Alvarez announced during a press conference on February 8 that it might be necessary to replace Macapagal-Arroyo as deputy speaker if she could not support the death penalty bill. When she was president, Macapagal-Arroyo suspended executions and adopted a strong anti-death penalty stance. She maintains that stance in the present debate.

Differences over the death penalty bill, according to those in the know, is merely an excuse Alvarez uses to ease out the former president. He wants to thwart the Floirendo plot to have him replaced and show the conspirators who is the real boss in the House. Macapagal-Arroyo, who disavows any interest in the Speakership, finds herself caught up in the power struggle between the Davao-based politicians.

Those who claim even more intimate knowledge of the Alvarez-Floirendo feud say the conspiracy story is the product of severe over-reading of what is going on. There is, they say, no conspiracy brewing that might threaten Alvarez’s grip on the seat he holds.

The dust-up between the two erstwhile friends is not even due to anything between them. The fight began elsewhere, among significant others capable of influencing the two men.