After martial law will come the hard part

Filipinos apparently dread Maute terrorists more than martial law. Dazed Marawi citizens accepted warrant-less searches and curbs on civilian movement as fitting to crush the brutal jihadists. That President Duterte included the rest of Mindanao under military control even came as a relief. Far too long have the similarly murderous Abu Sayyaf been terrorizing the west, Moro separatists marauding Christian villages in the central, and communist rebels extorting in the south. The Zamboanga besiegers of 2013 and Mamasapano massacrers of 2015 remain at large. The general sentiment is to be rid of them at any cost. The constitutional limitation of martial rule to only invasion or rebellion was dismissed as mere technicality. Duterte’s bad joke of allowable rapes by soldiers was tolerated, not deemed inconsistent with his assurance of no abuse by security forces. It is no different from the apathy towards nationwide killings of drug suspects, so long as neighborhoods can at last sleep in peace.

Survey after survey reiterates Duterte’s popularity. People depend on him for deliverance from dystopia. Many have even given up on democracy. Hopes are being pinned on Marcos-type dictatorship, which Duterte suggests.

Popularity is not what will win the war against terror, however. Military skill and dedication are key. Ferdinand Marcos’ martial law in fact failed to tame Mindanao in the 1970s-1980s. Soldiers’ abuses – pillaging of farms, desecration of mosques, torture of suspects – only worsened the wrath of the barrio folk. Intelligence gathering from the best sources – the communities – thus faltered. Troops were wiped out in ambuscades. Incompetent generals were put in high command simply because close to Marcos and cronies. Slyly those officers prolonged the war because they racketeered in military supplies. Munitions were even sold to the enemy.

Today’s military brass are believed to be professional. Mindanao government, civic, and religious leaders trust them to rout in no time the terrorists, secessionists, and communists. There also are a slew of young governors and mayors who know that martial law alone will not suffice. The hard part is good governance to eradicate the poverty and injustice on which armed violence feeds.

After the fighting, civilian reconstruction swiftly should follow. Neglect, like what happened during Marcos’ time, would only revert to war. Jolo, the capital of Sulu, used to be the foremost city in western Mindanao before its razing in 1973 from months-long battles between government forces and Moro separatists. That it was never rebuilt to its past glory partly fosters the people’s continuing disaffection. Though only partly destroyed by the 2013 siege, Zamboanga City too remains to be restored.

A model to learn from is Datu Paglas town in Maguindanao. Separatists once reigned there too. Then one of them, Manila-educated Toto Paglas, became mayor. Knowing that his constituents needed livelihoods to return to normalcy, he established a banana plantation and export packaging plant. It was farmed by Muslims, financed by Christians, and technologically guided by Jews. With money in their pockets, the ex-rebels turned in their guns and put their children to school. Sadly Mayor Paglas died at a young age; still secession no longer is talked about.

Roads and transportation are vital to link backward communities to civilization. Last year Muslim Autonomous Regional Gov. Mujiv Hataman paved a highway into Al Barka town in Basilan, infamous for the beheading of 14 Marines and then 19 Army men in the early 2000s. Instantly the impoverished folk had access to trade. Gainfully working, they convinced their separatist kinsmen to relent. The Islamic State-inspired Abu Sayyaf persisted in kidnapping for ransom, however. The townsfolk themselves drove away the terrorists. That was why Abu Sayyaf chieftain Isnilon Hapilon ended up seeking succor from the Maute fellow-outlaws in Marawi. A raid on his hideout last week triggered the Maute counter-attack that made Duterte impose martial law.

Other impoverished towns need to be connected to the world. Not only roads and rides but also electricity and Internet are needed. Mindanao women’s leader Amina Rasul often narrates the magic of television to inform and educate Moro barrio folk about normal Muslim life in other lands. They naturally aspire for the same peace and contentment.

Part of the problem is cultural, Governor Hataman stresses. Moros need to be weaned from the victim mentality that breeds radicalism. Deeply educated and thus moderate imams must be helped to expand their schools and congregations. Youths that stray into extremism quickly must be brought closer to religious instruction.

Subsequently gun control must be enforced. “Rido” or clan wars must be prevented from erupting from land disputes by rule of law.

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